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OSSERVATORIO INTERNAZIONALE



                  It is important to see that the recognition of the trap is thus delayed. It
             remains to guesswork whether such uneven accords are made by corrupted lea-
             ders or simply due to their inattention based on the false hope things never get
             to the point that China can rely on its partner’s weakness. However, when one
             speaks to locals in some affected countries it is widely assumed, it is the former
             rather than the latter.
                  The political implications are fairly clear. There is no expectation to align
             the  dependent  partner’s  political  system.  China  simply  wants  to  silence  any
             international criticism at its address and expects some “minimal loyalty”. The
             wider its influence gets, the less states will be in the position to criticize it and
             the more the critical liberal center will be isolated in its critical assessment. This
             is  reflected  first  in  universal  and  regional  international  organizations.
             Furthermore, China reacts negatively to those smaller states that opt out of
             silence and cause damage to them, including depriving them of some economic
             benefits. Rather than focusing on the global south, it is suffice to mention states
             from Australia, to the Czech Republic and Lithuania. For China this is mana-
             geable as long as the “rebellion” is not concentrated and massive.
                  In this sense a divided West is just as in China’s interest as it is in Russia’s
             although the foundations are not identical. The level of expectations towards
             China’s  “client  states,”  the  different  sequence  of  using  various  means  and
             methods just as the non-sovereignty constraining emphasis of Beijing make it
             extremely  difficult  to  resist  China’s  advancement  by  small  and  medium  size
             countries.
                  The meeting of the U.S. Secretary of State and National Security Advisor
             with the Chinese foreign minister and the Chinese Communist Party’s politburo
             member  for  international  affairs  in  Anchorage  in  March  2021  indicated  the
             coming  of  a  rear-end  collision  although  fortunately  only  at  the  negotiating
             table. The United States points to that the challenge cannot be simplified to
             economic rivalry:
                  1. Certain  economic  activities  of  China,  including  Huawei’s  expansion
             into the world market and the 5G network, illegal access to information and the
             facilitation of access to Chinese loans and investments can be used to gain poli-
             tical influence. All this in an ambitious framework, ‘the Belt and Road Initiative
             (BRI)’ and beyond.
                  2. China  is  aggressive  in  East  and  South-East  Asia  and  the  Pacific.  To
             some extent, both observations are well founded. The Secretary of State of the
             Trump administration, Mike Pompeo in a speech summed up what the United
             States expected from China: “We… must induce China to change”.


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