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OSSERVATORIO INTERNAZIONALE



             genealogy described the position of an individual within Somali society, deri-
             ving from it alliances and oppositions, duties of solidarity and participation in
             feelings  of  vengeance,  loyalty  and  subordination,  as  much  as  the  address  is
             important to establish, among other personal data, the position of a citizen in
             the Western world . The other aspect affecting the ancestral nomadism that
                               (4)
             linked these populations was the main relationship with the group, with the
             number of arms and with their ability in battle, which was understood as the
             main key to control wells and pastures, while the real estate property relation-
             ship, the one with the land, was maintained in a completely secondary position
             and understood as an area to be covered than to be owned. It can almost be
             said that, in this type of society, the ius utendi, with the corollary of the right
             of way, assumed a prevailing dimension over the ius excludendi alios among the
             characteristics attributable to properties as it is understood in the Western civi-
             lization.  The  second  factor  that  governed  the  political  action  of  Somalis,
             beyond the more or less extended kinship relationship which was the limit in
             which cooperation and communion of intent developed, was a formal “social
             contract”, the heer, aimed at defining the extent and forms of collaboration
             between groups belonging to the same agnatic line and, consequently, by exclu-
             sion from the contract, also the areas and spaces of competition and possible
             conflict. Somali society therefore presented a stratification, in descending order,
             of the “Clan family”, “clan”, “sub-clan”, “primary descent” and “blood debt
             payment group (diya)”, distinguishing 6 clan families, the maximum limit of
             Somali  political  action,  which  managed  conflicts  within  urban  areas,  due  to
             concentrations of different clan families and their participation in political par-
             ties.  This  picture  was  complemented  by  the  presence  of  non-Somali  ethnic
             groups, including Arabs, Yemeni and Indian Jews, mainly involved in trade and
             in the minimum offer of services available at the time in Somalia, for their own
             propensity and to fill the void consciously left by the prevalent Somali inclina-
             tion to pastoralism. Furthermore there  were difficulties deriving from the ari-
             sing political tensions, with an obvious independentist background: during the
             British occupation, after having authorized the foundation, in Mogadishu, of
             the Somali Youth Club, a cultural association initially oriented to the promotion
             of common traditions and customs among the different Somali groups, the
             British  witnessed  its  progressive  orientation  towards  the  socialist  ideology
             declined  with  anticolonial  nuances,  both  against  the  Italian  return  and  the
             British presence.

             (4)  Ioan Myrddin LEWIS, A pastoral democracy. A study of  pastoralism and politics among the Northern
                  Somali of  the Horn of  Africa, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1961, pagg. 13-68.

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